Die Krise der liberalen Ordnung Deutschlands
Donnerstag, 1. Juni 2023, 18:30 Uhr, Berlin
Donnerstag, 1. Juni 2023, 18:30 Uhr, Berlin
Sábado 3 de junio, 17:00 hrs, Coyoacán, CDMX
2019년 코비드-19 발발 이래로, 중국은 수천만명이 수주일 동안 계속적으로 봉쇄를 당하고 가장 기초적인 필수품들이 부족한 가운데 경찰의 항상적 압제하에 있던, 세상에서 가장 잔혹한 최악의 봉쇄들의 일부 광경이었다. 중국은 또한 바이러스와 싸우기 위한 자원의 가장 인상적인 동원의 광경이기도 했다: 의료서비스 장비들의 생산이 극적으로 늘어났고, 굉장히 짧은 기간만에 병원들의 건설되며 수천명의 의료진들이 위기 지역들로 이동되었다.
이것은 자본주의국가가 아닌 기형화된 노동자국가 중국의 깊이 모순적인 성격을 강조한다. 한편으로, 국가는 여전히 제국주의로부터 나라를 해방시켰으며 계획경제를 수립했던 1949년 혁명의 성취들에 의존한다. 다른 한편으로, 노동계급을 억압하고 이들 성취들을 약화시키는 중국공산당(CCP)이 이끄는 관료계층에 의하여 나라가 지배된다. 미국과 미국의 동맹들이 중국에 대한 군사적 경제적 위협들을 항상적으로 증가시키고, 나라 내부의 사회적 모순들이 뜨거워져 끓는 점에 다다른 가운데, 중국을 올바로 이해하는 것과 팬데믹에서 중국노동자의 대의는 물론 세계노동자 전체의 대의를 진전시킬 강령을 위하여 싸우는 것은 다른 어느 때보다 맑스주의자들에 중요하다.
지금까지, 맑스주의 좌익은 이 임무에 완전히 실패해왔다. 팬데믹의 처음 국면 동안, 엄격한 봉쇄들, 여행금지들, 그리고 대규모 검사라는 중국공산당의 “제로-코비드” 정책은 스탈린주의들로부터 사회민주주의자들, 소위 트로츠키주의자들에 이르기까지 전체 좌익의 모델이었다. 전세계의 쇠퇴하는 자본가계급들이 어떠한 것도 모조리 제대로 할 수 없었던 가운데, 중국 관료집단은 그 길을 보여주고 있는 것으로서 국제적으로 환영을 받았다. 국제공산주의동맹도 예외는 아니었고, 우리가 “중국이 코로나 바이러스를 억제하기 위하여 힘을 동원하다” (노동자전위 1171호, 2020년 3월 6일)에서 썼던 것을 길게 인용할 가치가 있다:
“초기의 관료적 관성과 명백한 은폐에도 불구하고, 베이징은 격리들, 6천만명의 인민들에 대한 지역봉쇄, 광범위한 여행축소, 나라의 많은 곳들에서의 공장들과 학교들의 폐쇄를 통한 억제에 엄청난 노력을 경주해왔다.
“중국정부는 또한 질병과 싸우기 위하여 상당한 정도의 의료 및 기타 자원들을 재배치해왔다. 이들 방책들이 일정한 성공을 거둔 것으로 보이며, 국내에서 새로운 사례의 비율이 줄어들기 시작했다. 무한(武漢)과 중국의 다른 도시들로 갔던 세계보건기구(WHO) 대표단의 단장은 역사상 ‘아마도 가장 야심차고 기민한’ 것으로 중국의 ‘정부 전체와 사회 전체의 접근’을 칭송했다....
“그래서, 비록 늦기는 했지만, 코비드-19와 전투를 치르기 위하여 중국이 취한 이들 방책들은 사실상 결정적으로 필수적인 것들이었다.”
Lori Lightfoot’s reign over “Segregation City” came to an end in February with her third-place finish in the first round of the Chicago mayoral elections. From frequent feuds with the Chicago Teachers Union, to enforcing the devastating lockdowns during the pandemic, to carrying out massive police repression during the height of the BLM protests in 2020, Lightfoot’s tenure showed just what workers and the oppressed have to gain from backing a “progressive” bourgeois politician to be the top cop in Chicago: more misery and repression.
Since Lightfoot took office as a “reformer” in 2019, riding the wave of anger over the cop killing of Laquan McDonald and its coverup, everything has gotten worse. Schools are even more segregated and dilapidated; housing prices are driving black and working-class Chicagoans out of the city or turning them onto the streets as part of a surging homeless population; and the prices of everything keep going up while wages fall far behind. Unemployment in the ghettos remains at depression levels, and cop terror continues. All of this despite waves of protests, strikes, and union organizing drives enveloping the city over the last decade. The question is: Why, in spite of the thousands protesting the Laquan McDonald and George Floyd murders, has black life in Chicago only gotten worse? Why, despite two major teachers strikes in 2012 and 2019, has education continued to get worse?
The answer lies in the contradiction between the aspirations of workers and the oppressed and the liberal program pushed by their leaders. The bankrupt strategy of the union bureaucrats and their fake-socialist tails is building alliances with the class enemy, looking for capitalist politicians who will supposedly run the capitalist state to work in their interests. This strategy ensures any struggles remain within the parameters set by the bosses’ profit system, though none of the problems facing the working class—education, segregation, housing—can be solved within this framework. To advance, workers require a leadership that can unite the class across racial divisions and lead their struggles as part of a broader strategy for workers power. (read more)
22 mars – Cela fait plus de deux mois que les travailleurs se battent contre la réforme des retraites de Macron. Avec le recours au 49.3 du gouvernement, beaucoup réalisent à présent que la stratégie qui dirige leur combat s’est révélée absolument déficiente. Les grèves sporadiques et les manifestations de masse dans l’attente d’une solution parlementaire venant de la NUPES ont mené droit dans le mur. La réforme vient de passer, et la seule perspective politique offerte à la classe ouvrière, c’est de continuer tête baissée sur la même voie qui a conduit à cet échec. La colère déborde, et la France est une fois de plus au bord de l’explosion sociale.
C’est une évidence que le conflit n’est pas d’ordre économique, mais fondamentalement politique. Cela fait des années en fait que la bourgeoisie française et la classe ouvrière sont engagées dans cette guerre de classe, et des années que la condition de la classe ouvrière recule faute d’un programme à la hauteur de la tâche politique qui est posée pour elle. 2003 (loi Fillon sur les retraites), 2010 (retraite à 62 ans au lieu de 60), 2016 (loi El Khomri), 2018 (statut des cheminots), 2019 (retraites encore) : les travailleurs font preuve d’un héroïsme sans borne, prêts à des sacrifices personnels considérables pour défendre leurs acquis. Pourtant, cela finit en défaite et leur condition ne cesse de s’éroder. Pourquoi ?
En bref, c’est à cause des directions actuelles du mouvement ouvrier et du programme politique avec lequel elles mènent cette lutte depuis des décennies. Les travailleurs font face à un ennemi déterminé, une bourgeoisie acculée, au pied du mur, qui pour se maintenir n’a aucune autre option sinon d’écraser la classe ouvrière et de casser sa résistance. La classe ouvrière, elle aussi, n’a qu’une seule option en réalité pour résoudre ce conflit dans ses intérêts : il faut qu’elle chasse cette classe parasitaire et réorganise toute la société sous un gouvernement qui servira ses intérêts, un gouvernement ouvrier. Tout le nœud du problème, c’est que les bureaucraties syndicales refusent de même poser la question de porter la classe ouvrière au pouvoir. Parce que les travailleurs sont dirigés dans cette guerre selon un plan de bataille qui ne pose pas la nécessité de vaincre la bourgeoisie, mais qui enferme en réalité leur lutte dans les limites fixées par la bourgeoisie elle-même, ils sont paralysés, dans l’incapacité de même faire reculer la bourgeoisie, et ce sont eux qui subissent défaite après défaite. (lire la suite)
Η σύγκρουση των τρένων στα Τέμπη με 57 νεκρούς και πολλούς τραυματίες είναι αποτέλεσμα δεκαετιών βάρβαρης λιτότητας και ιδιωτικοποιήσεων υπό τις διαταγές της ΕΕ και των Αμερικανών ιμπεριαλιστών. Μετά την ήττα του 2015 η εργατική τάξη βρισκόταν σε αμυντικούς αγώνες, απογοητευμένη και αντιμετωπίζοντας την μία ήττα μετά την άλλη. Το έγκλημα στα Τέμπη προκάλεσε τεράστιο θυμό στις μάζες. Στη μεγαλειώδη απεργία στις 8 του Μάρτη οι εργαζόμενοι είπαν «ΑΡΚΕΤΑ» και έδειξαν έτοιμοι να παλέψουν κατά των συνεπειών της λιτότητας. Για πρώτη φορά μετά το 2015 η εργατική τάξη βρίσκεται στην αντεπίθεση, φέρνοντας σε αμυντική θέση την αστική τάξη και την κυβέρνηση της ΝΔ. Σε αντίθεση με το 2012 και το 2015 υπάρχουν πολύ λιγότερες ψευδαισθήσεις προς τον ΣΥΡΙΖΑ. Είναι ξεκάθαρο ότι ΝΔ, ΠΑΣΟΚ και ΣΥΡΙΖΑ είναι όλοι εξίσου υπεύθυνοι για τα βάσανα των μαζών. Στο διάολο όλοι τους!
Με το θυμό των μαζών να βράζει και τις εκλογές να πλησιάζουν, το ζήτημα που τίθεται είναι ποιος θα κυβερνήσει τη χώρα. Οι ανάγκες των εργατών είναι ξεκάθαρες: Διαγραφή του Χρέους! Ανατροπή των Μνημονίων! Έξοδος από την ΕΕ/ΝΑΤΟ! Για να πραγματοποιηθούν αυτά τα αιτήματα πρέπει να υπάρξει μια γενική επίθεση των εργαζόμενων μαζών. Το κύριο ζήτημα είναι ποιος θα ηγηθεί αυτής της πάλης στη νίκη. Κανένας από την αριστερά δεν έχει μια ξεκάθαρη απάντηση. Εμείς καλούμε για: Μια Εργατική Κυβέρνηση ΚΚΕ/ΠΑΜΕ!
Ως Τροτσκιστές δεν έχουμε ψευδαισθήσεις στους Σταλινικούς του ΚΚΕ, αλλά αναγνωρίζουμε ότι ηγούνται της πρωτοπορίας της εργατικής τάξης. Εάν το ΚΚΕ όπως ισχυρίζεται είναι επαναστατικό, τότε θα ηγηθεί των μαζών στην πάλη για την επίτευξη αυτών των αιτημάτων και για την κατάκτηση της εξουσίας. Η κατάσταση είναι ώριμη. Εάν το ΚΚΕ με το ΠΑΜΕ ηγηθούν της επίθεσης της εργατικής τάξης μπορούν να θριαμβεύσουν. Αλλά εάν, όπως πιστεύουμε, δεν θα το κάνουν, τότε θα δείξει στην εργατική τάξη την ανάγκη για μια νέα επαναστατική ηγεσία. (περισσότερα)
Everyone is fighting the same inflation and the same Tory government. Each workplace is fighting the same employer — but the unions stand divided. When the RMT strikes, ASLEF members go to work; when the RCN strikes, GMB and Unison go to work, and on and on to defeat. Crossing picket lines has been normalised. Something must be done! Picket lines used to mean something. Think of the heroic miners strike of 1984-85. The labour movement must return to that tradition.
Let's unite the broadest possible forces to fight for:
We call on all trade unionists and socialists to fight for these demands inside the unions, the left and the entire labour movement.
To make this campaign real, we need to co-ordinate actions. We might disagree on many questions, but it is urgent to unite to defend the basic principle that picket lines mean don’t cross! To work with us towards organising this, contact us:
workershammer@btconnect.com - @WorkersHammer - 020 7281 5504
Endorsed by Richard Hall, veteran of 1984-85 NUM strike, Warsop Main Colliery
This campaign is initiated by the Spartacist League
Download BUILD PICKET LINES–DON'T CROSS THEM! (PDF)Steve Hedley, a former leader of the RMT, no longer wants to work with the Spartacist League in its campaign to defend picket lines — an urgent and crucial task for the workers movement. Why? Because we oppose laws that make consensual sex illegal based on an arbitrary age limit. A fine demonstration of how bourgeois morality is used to attack the workers movement.… (read more)
우크라이나 전쟁에 대한 국제주의자그룹(IG)에 대한 논박이 스파르타시시트(영어판 67호, 2022년 8월)에 출판되었을 때, IG는 모순을 가지고 있었다. 그들은 그 분쟁에서 혁명적 패배주의를 주창했지만, 그들의 실제 실천은 이 형식적으로 올바른 입장과는 반대로 뛰는 것이었다. 정확하게 이것이 우리의 기사가 폭로하고 있는 것이다. 기사가 출판된 이래, IG는 그들의 모순을 해결했다. 불행하게도, 그들은 진정으로 혁명적인 입장으로 넘어오는 것이 아니라 이 전쟁에서 러시아를 지지하는 공공연한 반동적 입장으로 넘어감로써 그렇게 했다.
10월 22일 기사에서, 이제 IG은 러시아가 제국주의자들에 맞서 민족방위의 정당한 전쟁을 수행하고 있다고 주장한다. 그들에 따르면, 분쟁은 더 이상 누가 우크라이나를 지배할 것인지 - 러시아인들 혹은 나토/유럽연합 제국주의 열강들 - 에 관한 것이 아니라 “러시아를 패배시키고, 파괴하며, 분할”할 것을 추구하는 제국주의자들에 관한 것이다. 러시아의 “특수 군사작전”(SMO)에 대한 공산주의자들의 임무와 일본의 중국에 대한 제국주의적 짓밟기와 이탈리아의 에디오피아 침공에 대한 트로츠키의 반대를 동일시하면서, IG는 전면적으로 이 입장으로 넘어간다. IG는 이 우스꽝스러온 입장을 어떻게 합리화하는가? 그들은 우크라이나에 대한 나토의 원조가 “양이 질로 전화하는 지점에 도달했”으며 우크라이나 군대는 “현실에서 나토의 연장(延長)”이 되었다고 주장한다.
이 주장들은 현실과의 첫번째 접촉에서 산산이 부서진다. 전쟁발발 이래 어떠한 근본적인 것도 바뀌지 않았다는 것은 실제로 너무도 분명하다. 우크라이나는 2014년 이래의 시기로 돌아가려는 제국주의자들을 위한 대리인이었다. 분쟁의 발발과 함께 바로 제국주의의 무기들이 우크라이나에서 홍수를 이루었고, 그 동안 내내 군사작전들은 나토와 협력된 것이었다. IG는 9월 우크라이나의 공세가 질적변화를 의미했음을 “증명”하기 위하여 이런 저런 무기체계, 군사적 협조에 관한 발언이나 행동에 대하여 끝도 없이 자세히 다루는 것으로 나아간다. 그러나 구체적이자. 현재의 상황에서, 러시아에 의한 승리는 무엇을 의미하게 될까? 단지 2월 처럼, 그것은 러시아에 의한 우크라이나 인민들에 대한 민족적 억압을 의미하게 될 것이다. 그리고 우크라이나에 의한 승리는? 그것은 제국주의자들의 우크라이나에 대한 약탈, 그리고 우크라이나 국경 내부에 있는 러시아 소수민족들에 대한 억압의 “자유”를 의미할 것이다. 다시 한번, 전쟁개시 때에 제기되었던 것과 똑같은 바로 그 결과. (계속 읽기)
러시아와 우크라이나 사이의 현재의 전쟁에서, 국제공산주의동맹은 혁명적 패배주의를 옹호하며 “두 개의 자본가계급들 사이의 이 전쟁을 노동자들이 양쪽 모두의 자본가계급들을 타도하는 내전으로 전화”할 것을 호소한다. 국제주의자그룹(IG)은 동일한 노선을 가지고 있는 것으로 보이는 다른 몇 개의 좌파조직들 중의 하나이다. 그들의 2월 28일 성명은 자신들이 “이 반동적인 민족주의적 전쟁에서 양쪽 모두에서의 혁명적 패배주의를 요구”한다고 선포하고, 나중에 아래와 같이 설명한다:
“우리는 국제주의 노동자혁명을 통해 우크라이나와 러시아 양쪽 모두의 자본가 정권타도를 지지한다. 우리는 푸틴의 공공연한 대러시아 배외주의에 (이뿐만이 아니라 서구에서 ‘반-부패 행동가’로서 명사대접을 받는 러시아의 야당인사 알렉세이 나발니의 그것에 대해서도) 맞서 싸우며, 우리는 나토와 유럽연합(EU)의 최전선이고자 하는 우크라이나 부르주아지 계급의 반동적 민족주의에 맞서 싸운다.”
- “전쟁의 이면: 러시아와 중국에 대한 미국/나토의 전쟁몰이” (2022년 2월 28일)
대부분의 독자들은 ICL과 IG가 동일한 입장을 가지고 있으며, 양자 모두가 혁명적 패배주의를 옹호함으로써 볼셰비즘의 전통을 견지한다고 합리적으로 생각할 수도 있겠다. 그러나 현실에서는, IG는 자신들이 “혁명적 패배주의”를 지지한다고 말하는지 몰라도, 그들은 레닌주의의 모든 혁명적 내용을 완전히 텅빈 것으로 만들며, 실천적으로 그들은 이 전쟁에 대한 혁명적 결과를 위한 투쟁을 거부하고 있다. 이것을 분명하게 보기 위해서는, 제국주의에 반대하는 레닌주의 강령과 오늘날의 정세에서 진정으로 혁명적 패배주의를 구성하고 있는 것이 무엇인지에 대하여 우선 이해할 필요가 있다.
혁명적 패배주의는 전쟁에서 프롤레타리아트를 배신하고 그들 “자신의” 부르주아지 계급들을 지지했던 제2인터내셔널의 지도자들에 반대하여 1차 세계대전 동안 레닌과 볼셰비키들이 지켜내기 위하여 투쟁했던 강령이었다. 볼셰비키들은 1) 진정한 혁명가들은 그 전쟁에서 그들 “자신의” 정부의 패배를 옹호하고 민족국가들 사이의 이 반동적 전쟁을 자본가들에 맞서는 혁명적 내전으로 전화시키기 위하여 활동해야만 하며, 2) 제2 인터내셔널은 배외주의에 의하여 죽어 파괴되었고, 혁명적 맑스주의의 기초위에서 새로운 혁명적 인터내셔널이 건설되어야만 하고, 3) 이것을 위하여, 혁명가들은 노동자운동 내에 있는 부르주아지 계급에 대한 공공연한 지지자들(사회적 배외주의자들)뿐만 아니라 사회적 배외주의자들과의 단결을 유지하고 개량주의적이고, 평화주의적이며, 그리고 기타 비혁명적 해법들로 프롤레타리아트를 속이기 위하여 “맑스주의적” 문구들을 사용하는 기회주의자들과 중도주의자들로부터의 분리를 위하여 투쟁할 필요가 있다고 선포했다. (계속 읽기)
Isinalin mula sa Spartacist (Edisyong Ingles) Blg. 67, Agosto 2022
Mula nang sumiklab ang Covid-19 noong 2019, naging larangan ang China ng ilan sa pinaka-brutal at dystopian na lockdown sa mundo, saan sampu-sampung milyong katao ang nakulong sa loob ng maraming linggo, salat sa mga batayang pangangailangan at patuloy na sumasailalim sa panunupil ng pulisya. Ito rin ang larangan ng pinakakahanga-hangang mobilisasyon ng mga rekurso para labanan ang virus: ang espektakular na produksyon ng mga kagamitang medikal, ang pagpapatayo ng mga ospital sa loob ng iilang araw, at ang libu-libong mga kawaning medikal na pinadala sa mga lugar ng krisis.
Itinatampok nito ang malalim na kontradiksyon sa katangian ng China, na hindi isang kapitalistang estado kundi isang depormadong estado ng manggagawa. Sa isang banda, nakasalalay pa rin ang estado sa mga tagumpay ng Rebolusyong 1949, na nagpalaya sa bansa mula sa imperyalismo at nagtatag ng isang planadong ekonomiya. Sa kabilang banda, ang namamahala sa bansa ay isang burukratikong saray sa pamumuno ng Partido Komunistang Tsino (CCP) na umaapi sa uring manggagawa at sumisira sa mga tagumpay na ito. Habang patuloy na pinapatindi ng U.S. at mga kaalyado nito ang mga bantang militar at ekonomiya laban sa China, at sa lalong pag-igting ng mga panlipunang kontradiksyon sa loob ng bansa, mas lalong importante na ang mga Marxista ay magkaroon ng wastong pag-unawa sa China at ipaglaban ang isang programa sa pandemya na magsusulong sa layunin ng mga manggagawang Tsino, gayundin ng buong pandaigdigang uring manggagawa. (read on)
Übersetzt aus Spartacist, englischsprachige Ausgabe Nr. 67, August 2022.
Seit dem Ausbruch von Covid-19 im Jahr 2019 ist China Schauplatz einiger der brutalsten und dystopischsten Lockdowns der Welt, mit zig Millionen Menschen, die wochenlang ohne das Nötigste und unter ständiger Polizeirepression eingesperrt werden. Es ist ebenso Schauplatz der beeindruckendsten Mobilisierung von Ressourcen zur Bekämpfung des Virus: Die Produktion von medizinischer Ausrüstung wurde drastisch hochgefahren, innerhalb von Tagen wurden Krankenhäuser gebaut und medizinisches Personal wurde zu Tausenden in Krisenregionen verlegt.
Dies wirft ein Schlaglicht auf den zutiefst widersprüchlichen Charakter Chinas, das kein kapitalistischer Staat, sondern ein deformierter Arbeiterstaat ist. Einerseits beruht der Staat immer noch auf den Errungenschaften der Revolution von 1949, die das Land vom Imperialismus befreite und eine Planwirtschaft einführte. Andererseits wird das Land von einer Bürokratenkaste unter Führung der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas (KPCh) beherrscht, die die Arbeiterklasse unterdrückt und diese Errungenschaften untergräbt. Angesichts ständig zunehmender militärischer und wirtschaftlicher Drohungen der USA und ihrer Verbündeten gegen China und der Tatsache, dass die sozialen Gegensätze im Lande auf einen Siedepunkt zulaufen, ist es für Marxisten wichtiger denn je, ein korrektes Verständnis von China zu haben und für ein Programm in der Pandemie zu kämpfen, das die Sache der chinesischen Arbeiter wie auch der gesamten internationalen Arbeiterklasse voranbringt. (Weiterlesen)
Cuando se publicó en Spartacist (Edición en español No. 41, octubre de 2022) la polémica contra el Grupo Internacionalista (GI) sobre la guerra en Ucrania, el GI tenía una contradicción. Abogaba por el derrotismo revolucionario en el conflicto, pero su verdadera práctica iba en contra de esta posición formalmente correcta. Esto es precisamente lo que demuestra nuestro artículo. Desde entonces, el GI resolvió su contradicción. Desafortunadamente, no lo hizo llegando a una posición verdaderamente revolucionaria, sino adoptando la posición abiertamente reaccionaria de apoyar a Rusia en la guerra.
En un artículo del 22 de octubre, el GI ahora dice que Rusia está librando una guerra justa de defensa nacional contra los imperialistas. Según el GI, el conflicto ya no se trata de quién dominará Ucrania —los rusos o las potencias imperialistas de la OTAN/UE—, sino de que los imperialistas buscan “derrotar, destruir y desmembrar a Rusia”. El GI va hasta las últimas consecuencias con esta posición, equiparando las tareas de los comunistas con respecto a la “Operación Militar Especial” (OME) de Rusia con la oposición de Trotsky a la expoliación imperialista de China por Japón o a la invasión italiana de Etiopía. ¿Cómo justifica el GI esta posición absurda? Con el argumento de que el apoyo de la OTAN a Ucrania se ha vuelto tal que “la cantidad se ha transformado en calidad” y que “el ejército ucraniano se ha vuelto en realidad una extensión de la OTAN”.
Estos argumentos se hacen añicos al primer contacto con la realidad. Es bastante obvio que nada ha cambiado fundamentalmente desde que se desató la guerra. Ucrania ha sido un agente de los imperialistas desde 2014. Las armas imperialistas inundaron Ucrania desde el inicio mismo del conflicto y las operaciones militares se han coordinado con la OTAN de principio a fin. El GI detalla interminablemente este o aquel sistema de armas, discurso o acto de cooperación militar para “probar” que la ofensiva de Ucrania en septiembre marcó un cambio cualitativo. Pero seamos concretos: en el contexto actual, ¿qué significaría una victoria de Rusia? Tal y como en febrero, significaría la opresión nacional de los ucranianos por Rusia. ¿Y una victoria de Ucrania? Significaría la “libertad” de los imperialistas de saquear Ucrania y la opresión de las minorías rusas dentro de las fronteras ucranianas. El mismo resultado que se ha planteado desde el inicio de la guerra. (continuar leyendo)
When the polemic against the Internationalist Group (IG) on the war in Ukraine was published in Spartacist (English edition No. 67, August 2022), the IG had a contradiction. They advocated revolutionary defeatism in the conflict, but their actual practice ran counter to this formally correct position. This is precisely what our article exposes. Since it was published, the IG has resolved their contradiction. Unfortunately, they have done so not by coming over to a truly revolutionary position but by going over to the overtly reactionary position of supporting Russia in the war.
In a 22 October article, the IG now claims that Russia is waging a just war of national defense against the imperialists. According to them, the conflict is no longer about who will dominate Ukraine—the Russians or the NATO/EU imperialist powers—but about the imperialists seeking to “defeat, destroy and dismember Russia.” The IG goes all the way with this position, equating the task of communists toward Russia’s “Special Military Operation” (SMO) with Trotsky’s opposition to the imperialist rape of China by Japan and the Italian invasion of Ethiopia. How does the IG justify this absurd position? They argue that the support by NATO to Ukraine “has reached the point where quantity turns into quality” and that the Ukrainian army has become “in reality an extension of NATO.”
These arguments shatter at first contact with reality. It is in fact fairly obvious that nothing fundamental has changed since the outbreak of the war. Ukraine has been a proxy for the imperialists going back to 2014. Imperialist weapons flooded Ukraine at the very outset of the conflict and military operations have been coordinated with NATO throughout. The IG goes into interminable detail over this or that weapons system, speech or act of military cooperation to “prove” that Ukraine’s offensive in September marked a qualitative change. But let’s be concrete. In the current context, what would a victory by Russia represent? Just as in February, it would mean the national oppression of Ukrainians by Russia. And a victory by Ukraine? It would mean the “freedom” for the imperialists to pillage Ukraine and the oppression of Russian minorities within Ukrainian borders. Again, the very same result as posed at the start of the war. (read on)
本文译自英文版《斯巴达克派》(2022年8月)。
2019年新冠疫情爆发以来,中国发生了世界上一些最残酷和反乌托邦式的封锁,数以千万计的人经历连续数周封锁,缺乏最基本的生活必需品,并且还不断遭到警察的镇压。中国调动资源抗击病毒的场景也最令人印象深刻:医疗设备的生产大幅增加,医院在几天内建成,成千上万医务人员被调往风险地区。
这凸显了中国的深刻矛盾本质,中国并非资本主义国家,而是畸形的工人国家。一方面,1949年的革命将中国从帝国主义中解放出来并建立了计划经济,那场革命的成果至今依然是这个国家的基础。另一方面,统治这个国家的是中国共产党领导的官僚阶层,这个阶层压迫工人阶级并削弱了这些成果。随着美国及其盟友不断加强对中国的军事和经济威胁,以及中国国内的社会矛盾接近沸点,马克思主义者应该形成对中国的正确认识,在疫情期间努力争取能推动中国工人以及整个国际工人阶级事业的纲领,这比以往任何时候都更加重要。(…)
この記事は、英語版『SPARTACIST』67号(2022年8月)から翻訳されたものである。
2019年に新型コロナウイルス感染症(Covid-19)の勃発以来、中国は世界で最も過酷で暗黒郷に似たロックダウンの幾つかの現場となってきた。数千万の人々が何週間も続けて閉じ込められ、最も基本的な生活必需品に不足し、絶えず警察の弾圧下に置かれてきた。中国はまた、このウイルスと闘うために、最も目覚ましく資源を動員する現場となってきた。医療機器の生産は劇的に増産され、病院が数日で建設され、何千人もの医療スタッフが危機的状況にある地域へと移された。
このことは、中国の根深い矛盾した性格を浮き彫りにしている。中国は資本主義国家ではなく歪曲された労働者国家である。国家は、一方では、依然として1949年の革命の獲得物に基づいている。この革命は、帝国主義から中国を解放し計画経済を確立させた。他方で、この国は、中国共産党に率いられた官僚カーストによって支配されている。そしてこの官僚カーストは、労働者階級を抑圧し革命の獲得物を掘り崩している。米国とその同盟諸国が中国に対する軍事的、経済的な威嚇を絶えず増大させ、中国国内の社会的な諸矛盾が限界点にまで高まっている。こうした中で、マルクス主義者にとっては次のことはこれまで以上に重要である。つまり中国について正しい理解を持つこと、そしてパンデミックの中で中国労働者と国際的な労働者階級全体の事業を前進させる綱領のために闘うこと、これである。
これまでのところ、マルクス主義左翼はこの任務で完全に失敗している。パンデミックの初期段階では、中国共産党による厳しいロックダウン、渡航禁止、大規模検査といった「ゼロコロナ」政策は、スターリニストから社会民主主義者やいわゆるトロツキストに至る全左翼にとって、模範であった。世界中の腐朽化した資本家階級が適切に何ら手を打つことができないなかで、中国の官僚は進むべき方向を示しているとして国際的に称賛された。国際共産主義者同盟(ICL)も例外ではなかった。我々が「中国はコロナウイルスを封じ込めるため動員する」(『Workers Vanguard』1171号、2020年3月6日)の中で記したことは、詳細に引用するのに値する。 (続きを読む)
Le elezioni del 25 settembre cadono nel pieno di una crisi mondiale. La pandemia del Covid ha dimostrato la bancarotta del sistema capitalista e la sua incapacità, persino nei Paesi più avanzati, di soddisfare i bisogni dei lavoratori in materia di salute e assistenza sociale. Per due anni i lockdown e le altre misure di salute pubblica reazionarie, appoggiate dai dirigenti traditori dei sindacati e dei partiti riformisti di sinistra, hanno devastato le condizioni di vita del proletariato e della popolazione più povera. L’invasione dell’Ucraina, provocata dall’accerchiamento della Russia capitalista da parte degli imperialisti americani ed europei, dimostra l’urgenza di rovesciare gli imperialisti di tutto il mondo come unica via per stabilire una pace durevole. Questi eventi cruciali hanno provocato un’inflazione mai vista dagli anni Ottanta e la disarticolazione di molte filiere produttive a scala globale. Le minacce della crisi economica, della miseria e di una guerra combattuta con armi nucleari incombono su miliardi di persone.
L’aumento dei prezzi è un attacco durissimo alle condizioni di lavoro e di vita della classe operaia, alla parte più povera della piccola borghesia e ai milioni di anziani e di disoccupati che il capitalismo considera un peso morto. Quest’inverno molti dovranno scegliere se scaldarsi o mangiare. Il taglio dei consumi energetici che il governo vuole imporre significherà chiusure aziendali, cassa integrazione, scuole e ospedali al freddo e sofferenze per i lavoratori.
Il governo dà la colpa al “ricatto di Putin” e finge di voler aiutare la popolazione a sopravvivere alle difficoltà. Sono menzogne. L’obiettivo del governo è di schierare la popolazione a sostegno dei piani dell’imperialismo italiano e dei suoi alleati della Ue e della Nato: strozzare la Russia, fare dell’Ucraina una neo-colonia dei monopoli industriali e finanziari europei e americani. La guerra in Ucraina è una guerra tra bande di ladri capitalisti: quelli russi vogliono mantenere l’Ucraina nella loro sfera d’influenza, quelli ucraini sottometterla agli imperialisti di Unione europea e Nato. Il governo italiano vuole far pagare il prezzo della sua politica agli operai, ingrassando i monopoli energetici e industriali e impedendo in tutti i modi che scoppino scioperi e lotte operaie per adeguare i salari ai prezzi. Tutti i partiti che si candidano alle elezioni rappresentano la classe capitalista e porteranno avanti questo programma. Le promesse elettorali di combattere l’aumento dei prezzi con qualche elemosina, con l’introduzione di un “salario minimo” farsa e di aggiustamenti fiscali, servono a tenere buoni il proletariato e gli oppressi. (continua…)
For over a week, there has been a constant barrage of royalist propaganda. The slightest signs of dissent have been repressed. Enough! As leaders of the world converge on London to commemorate the life and reign of Elizabeth II, it is necessary to take a stand and show that not all bow before the monarchy.
We call on all socialists and anti-monarchists to protest alongside us on Monday 19 September, at 1 pm, in Windrush Square, Brixton. Any opponent of this anti-democratic, feudal relic is welcome.
This protest is called by the Spartacist League; as communists, we oppose the monarchy as part of our opposition to the entire ruling class of this country. On this day, we remember the victims of British imperialism during the reign of Elizabeth II: Northern Ireland, Kenya, Malaysia, Iraq, Afghanistan and so many more.
Spartacist League
Twitter, Instagram: @WorkersHammer
workershammer@btconnect.com
020 7281 5504
The Queen is dead. A tsunami of national unity is sweeping the country and the press is spewing praise for her “greatness” and “sense of duty”. To hell with all that! Queen Elizabeth II lorded over the remnants of the vicious decrepit British Empire—from Quebec to Jamaica to Botswana. Her governments—both Labour and Tory—slaughtered the Mau Mau in Kenya, invaded Suez, bombed and destroyed Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya. Her army was sent to occupy Northern Ireland, murdering, torturing and starving Irish Republican prisoners. Her Kingdom is a prison for the Scottish, Welsh and Irish Catholics. Her police force crushed the miners strike. She was the living embodiment of all these crimes and more. King Charles III carries on this blood-soaked legacy.
The reactions to her death show all that is rotten about the leadership of the working class in this country. Before her body was cold, Mick Lynch of the RMT and Dave Ward of the CWU—the “heroes” of the so-called “summer of discontent”—cancelled strikes in order to join the orgy of patriotism and national unity. Same goes for ASLEF and the list is likely to grow. As the highest representative of class privilege dies, these traitors are telling workers that fighting against their own starvation must wait, out of reverence to the monarch. These are no working class leaders but lackeys of the ruling class.
Like Liz Truss, Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer—this pretentious knight of Her Majesty—is also in mourning. No surprise there. But it is not just the Blairites. Jeremy Corbyn, Zarah Sultana, Sam Tarry, John McDonnell, Ian Lavery, Ian Byrne and more; all these left Labourites who claim to stand for the working class and “socialism” are weeping and wailing over the loss of...the monarch “by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great Britain & Northern Ireland & of Her other Realms & Territories Queen, Head of the Commonwealth, Defender of the Faith”. What a pathetic display of subservience before the ruling class. (read on)
4 AUGUST 2022—With the 11th national congress of NUMSA, the largest union in the country, the bosses have issued a massive threat to all working people. The capitalist courts first tried to interdict the congress, and after it went ahead following a two-day delay are now threatening reprisals, including de-registration of the union and possible jail sentences for NUMSA leaders. It’s in the vital interests of workers in all unions—no matter what they may think of the current NUMSA leadership—to defend the union against this attack. The capitalist state seeks to cripple the power of the unions by dictating to them how they shall conduct their affairs. This comes in the midst of a massive onslaught against workers and the poor—soaring costs of living, record high unemployment, sabotage and privatisation of Eskom and other SOEs. To fight against all of this, what’s urgently needed is the mobilisation of the mainly black proletariat, at the head of the broad toiling masses, on a class-struggle basis in opposition to all wings of the bourgeoisie and its black frontmen in the ANC government. The precondition for this is independence of the trade unions from the capitalist state, which is an instrument for defending the rule of the exploiters against the workers and oppressed. Underlining this lesson in blood, the week after enforcing the court interdict against NUMSA, police in Tembisa township gunned down at least two people in one day during protests against electricity price hikes and power cuts.
It was an opposition grouping within the union that invited the state to interdict the NUMSA congress—an act of pure class treason. Led among others by SAFTU president Ruth Ntlokotse, this opposition gathered support among NUMSA members by appealing to discontent over shady dealings at NUMSA’s investment company and bureaucratic suppression of critics of Irvin Jim and his allies. When Jim and Co brazenly suspended Ntlokotse and dozens of others on the eve of the NUMSA congress, the latter ran to the bosses’ courts to get the suspensions overturned. Even after that was done, they complained that proceeding with the congress violated “the sanctity of the court order” and have now filed for arrest warrants against Jim and NUMSA president Andrew Chirwa for contempt of court. The opposition justifies this rotten treachery with the lie that it is a way to defend “worker control” in the union. As the Marikana massacre and countless other bloody acts of strike-breaking violence show, this state is the deadly enemy of strong, militant unions. By using the bosses’ courts against the union, the opposition is helping the capitalists to cripple the workers’ defence organisations, while at the same time disarming workers and shackling them to the state of their class enemy.
If the NUMSA congress has shown anything, it is that politically supporting either side in the bureaucratic faction fight dividing NUMSA and SAFTU can only spell disaster for the working class. This is precisely what the pseudo- Marxist left does, with most of them seeking to pressure the Vavi faction to the left. The pseudo-Trotskyist Marxist Workers Party is an especially craven example. They hailed Ntlokotse’s election as SAFTU president as the “most politically significant of the victories” won by the Vavi faction against the Jim faction at the May SAFTU congress, hyping her “rank-and-file opposition” in NUMSA as the great hope for the “ideological and political rearming” of the workers movement (marxistworkersparty.org.za, 13 June). Less than two months later, Ntlokotse and Co are fighting for the neo-apartheid state to jail the union’s leaders and install them in their place! (read on)
19 JULY—The May congress of the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU) made it unmistakably clear that both SAFTU and its largest affiliate, the National Union of Metalworkers (NUMSA), are in a massive crisis. The main expression of this crisis so far is a split in the bureaucracy, running up through the top leadership, and a bitter struggle for organisational control between the two factions—supporters of SAFTU general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi on one side and supporters of NUMSA general secretary Irvin Jim on the other. The struggle for positions repeatedly threatened to plunge the May congress into chaos and split the federation. At one point, pro-Jim delegates marched toward the podium singing “ungayiyijahi impi, iyabulala [don’t rush to war, it’s deadly]” as Vavi tried to steamroller obstacles to the election of his slate. Many expect the battle to continue at NUMSA’s 11th national congress, which has now been postponed twice as Jim and his allies try to suppress revolts in a number of regions by NUMSA members aligned to Vavi.
Despite the ferocity of the organisational struggle, both sides try to obscure the political issues while making a big show of unity. Behind this crisis is something neither faction wants to (or can) address: the utter failure, since the split from the ANC/SACP/COSATU Tripartite Alliance in 2013-15, to bring about the revival of a militant and powerful trade-union movement that would defend and advance the interests of the black toiling masses. This is what left-wing workers hoped for at the time of the split. Many also expected it to lay the basis for some kind of new political voice of the working class, feeling thoroughly disillusioned with the wretched pro-capitalist SACP leaders. These hopes have been utterly betrayed. The fundamental reason is not a “lack of urgency” or organisational incapacity, as preached by the pseudo-Marxist left groups whose whole strategic outlook is defined by supporting and pressuring one faction of the bureaucracy or the other—WASP, Marxist Workers Party (MWP), Keep Left!, etc. The root cause is the nationalist, class-collaborationist programme of the NUMSA/SAFTU leaders, who despite their secondary differences all seek to re-furbish the nationalist popular front by building a “left” version of the Tripartite Alliance. (read on)
Im Kontext des Ukrainekriegs wollen die deutschen Kapitalisten jeden noch so kleinen Mucks gegen die NATO unterdrücken. Im Windschatten der Bourgeoisie sind die offenen Stiefellecker der EU und NATO innerhalb der Linkspartei – wie Gysi und Ramelow – in der Offensive: Sie kämpfen dafür, jeden, der nicht auf ihre Linie einschwenkt und der EU und NATO ewige Treue schwören will, aus dem Weg zu räumen.
Was war bisher die Antwort innerhalb der Linkspartei auf diese Offensive der offenen EU/NATO-Unterstützer? Ob nun Wagenknecht oder Strömungen wie die Antikapitalistische Linke oder Sozialistische Linke: alle gehen dem Kampf aus dem Weg und versuchen die Einheit mit den offenen Pro-Imperialisten aufrechtzuerhalten. So gibt auch keiner ihrer Anträge oder Änderungsanträge für den Parteitag eine Antwort auf die reaktionäre Offensive. Wir haben eine Antwort.
Antrag:
Mit sofortiger
Wirkung werden die EU/NATO-Unterstützer wie Gregor Gysi,
Bodo Ramelow, Caren Lay, Susanne Hennig-Wellsow,
Christiane Schneider, Jan van Aken und alle anderen, die
fordern die EU und NATO zu unterstützen, aus der Partei
DIE LINKE rausgeschmissen.
Offener Brief
Der Krieg in der Ukraine und der damit verbundene Schwenk der deutschen Bourgeoisie haben in der Linken zu einer gewaltigen Krise geführt. Es ist dringend notwendig, eine revolutionäre Antwort auf die Offensive der offenen pro-EU/NATO-Agenten für den Imperialismus zu geben.
Das muss jetzt angegangen werden. Deshalb schlagen wir eine offene Debatte vor und richten uns an alle in der Linken, die es ebenfalls als zentrale Aufgabe für Revolutionäre sehen, Klarheit zu schaffen über den Ukrainekrieg, den deutschen Imperialismus und die Krise der Linken.
Wir Spartakisten haben eine revolutionäre Perspektive vorgelegt. Wie wir im Spartakist Nr. 224 sagen: „Schmeißt die EU/NATO-Unterstützer aus der Linken! – Ukrainische, russische Arbeiter: Dreht die Gewehre um!“ Dieser Artikel liegt bei.
Eure Rückmeldung ist erbeten bis zum 17. Juni, damit wir die Einzelheiten der Debatte nach den Regeln der Arbeiterbewegung diskutieren können.
Telefon: 030 443 94 00
Email: Spartakist@online.de
Mit solidarischen Grüßen
Philipp Clyde
für die Spartakist-Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands,
Sektion der Internationalen Kommunistischen Liga (Vierte Internationalisten)
Narito na uli ang circus. Habang lugmok sa pinakamalalim na recession mula noong World War II kasunod ng isa sa pinakamatagal at pinakamalupit na Covid lockdown sa mundo, nakatakdang isagawa ng Pilipinas ang pambansang halalan sa Mayo 9. Ang eleksyon ay isang re-match sa pagitan ng pinuno ng oposisyon na si Vice President Leni Robredo at ng kanyang dati nang karibal na si Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos Jr., tagapagmana at kapangalan ng diktador na ang 20-taong pamumuno ay karibal sa kasakiman, kalupitan at katiwalian ng dating dinastiyang Pahlavi at Somoza ng Iran at Nicaragua.
Si Marcos Jr., na tinalo ni Robredo sa isang mahigpit na karera noong 2016, ay hindi inilihim ang kanyang ganang ibalik ang kanyang pamilya sa kapangyarihan. Kapwa nakibahagi sina Robredo at Liberal Party running mate na si Senator Kiko Pangilinan sa kilusang protesta na humantong sa pagbagsak ng pamilya Marcos.
Sa loob ng anim na taong marahas na pamumuno ni Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte at ng kanyang mga kaalyado, si Robredo ay naghahanda bilang presidente sa inilalarawan ng lokal media na labanang “Good versus Evil,” ang tinaguriang huling pagkakataon upang “iligtas ang demokrasya ng Pilipinas” mula sa “pagbabalik ng mga Marcos at isang pagpapatuloy ng pamunuan ni Duterte.” Panawagan namin: Robredo, Marcos at lahat ng burges na partido—Huwag iboto!
Habang papalapit ang multo ng muling pagbabalik ni Marcos at mga araw na lang ang natitira, pinagsama-sama ni Robredo ang mga Stalinista, sosyal-demokrata, sikat na artista, liberal na intelektuwal at mga kapitalistang amo sa isang prente popular o prenteng bayan na kawangis ng kilusang nagpabagsak sa diktadurang Marcos. Ang suporta para kay Robredo ay nakakuha ng momentum, habang ang mga paksyong anti-Marcos ay nagbubuhos ng pera sa mga sorties ng kampanya na umaakit ng daan-daang libong mga tagasuporta na kulay rosas ang suot at kilala bilang mga Kakampinks sa mga lungsod sa kapuluan.
Ang ideolohikal na pandikit na nagbubuklod sa prente popular ni Robredo ay fight-the-right bourgeois lesser evilism [pulitika na labanan-ang-mga-maka-kanan sa paraan ng pagsuporta sa burges na hindi gaano ang pagka-masama]. Matapos ang malawakang pagkatalo ng mga Liberal sa eleksyon 2019, nakuha ni Robredo ang aral na kailangan ng partido na magpatakbo ng isang “people’s campaign,” ibig sabihin ay sumakay patungong kapangyarihan sa likod ng mga inaapi. Ngayon ay i-priniprisinta niya ang kanyang sarili kontra kina Duterte at Marcos bilang “people’s champion” na magtatanggol sa demokrasya, lalabanan ang korapsyon at magtataguyod ng pagkakapantay-pantay. (read on)
The circus is back in town. Mired in the deepest recession since World War II following one of the world’s longest and harshest Covid lockdowns, the Philippines is set to hold its national elections on May 9. The elections are a rematch between opposition leader Vice President Leni Robredo and her old rival Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., heir and namesake of the dictator whose 20-year reign rivals the greed, brutality and corruption of the former Pahlavi and Somoza dynasties of Iran and Nicaragua.
Marcos Jr., who Robredo beat in a tight race in 2016, has made no secret of his appetite to return his family to power. Both Robredo and Liberal Party running mate Senator Kiko Pangilinan took part in the protest movement that led to the downfall of the Marcos family.
Largely sidelined during six years of draconian rule by President Rodrigo Duterte and his allies, Robredo is casting for president in what local media portrays as a battle of “Good versus Evil,” the so-called last chance to “save Philippine democracy” from the “return of the Marcoses and a continuation of a Duterte leadership.” We say: No vote to Robredo, Marcos and all bourgeois parties! Robredo, Marcos at lahat ng burges na partido—Huwag iboto!
As the spectre of a Marcos comeback looms and with just days to go, Robredo has brought together Stalinists, social democrats, movie stars, liberal intellectuals and capitalist bosses in a popular front reminiscent of the movement that toppled the Marcos dictatorship. Support for Robredo has gained momentum, as the anti-Marcos factions pour money into campaign sorties which attract hundreds of thousands of pink-clad supporters, known as Kakampinks, in cities across the archipelago.
The ideological glue binding the Robredo popular front together is fight-the-right bourgeois lesser-evilism. After the Liberals’ massive defeat in the 2019 elections, Robredo drew the lesson that the party needed to run a “people’s campaign,” i.e., to ride to power on the backs of the oppressed. Now she is presenting herself against Duterte and Marcos as the “people’s champion” who will defend democracy, fight corruption and promote equality. (read on)
Aşağıdaki makale, Spartacist, İngilizce yayın no. 66, Bahar 2020 baskısından Türkçeye çevrilmiştir.
Enternasyonal Komünist Liga (Dördüncü Enternasyonalist), Enternasyonal Yürütme Komitesi (EYK) genel kurulu toplantısını 2019 yazında Almanya’da gerçekleştirdi. EKL’nin konferanslar arası dönemlerde en yüksek karar gövdesi olan EYK’nin toplantısı örgütümüz açısından önemli bir zamana denk geldi. Merkezi kurucumuz ve uzun zamandır parti liderimiz olan ve devrimci pusulamızın devam ettirilmesinde müdahaleleriyle kritik bir rol oynayan Jim Robertson’un Nisan 2019’daki ölümü süreklilik sorusunu aşikar kıldı. Bu toplantı aynı zamanda 2017’de EKL’nin Yedinci Enternasyonal Konferansı’nda seçilen liderliğin ilk toplantısıydı. Bu konferans, ulusal sorunu Leninist bir çerçeveye yerleştirmek ve Büyük Güç şovenizmine yapılan uyarlamaları düzeltmek amacıyla yürüttüğümüz zorlu mücadelenin sonucuydu (“Der Kampf für Leninismus über die nationale Frage” [Ulusal Sorun Üzerinde Leninist Mücadele İçin], Spartacist [Almanca baskı] No. 31, Sonbahar 2017). Genel kurul ve EYK’nin oybirliğıyle benimsediği bildiri, “Leninizm Bayrağıyla İleri!”, bu mücadelenin devamıdır.
Genel kurulun temel amaçlarından biri, 1970lerde Avrupa Birliği’ne (AB) karşı oluşturduğumuz keskin programatik muhalefet çerçevesini yeniden sahiplenmekti. Dejenere olmuş bir işçi devleti olan Sovyetler Birliği’ni ortadan kaldıran 1991-92 karşı-devrimi sürecinde işaretlenen yaşadığımız disoryantasyoun bir parçası olarak, EKL Alman ve daha az da olsa Fransız emperyalizminin domine ettiği eşitsiz kapitalist devletler konsorsiyumu olan AB’ye defalarca teslim olmuştur. Enternasyonal Sekretarya (E.S.) üyesi yoldaş Jay’in genel kurulda belirttiği gibi:
“AB’ye temel muhalefetimiz, ‘ırkçı kale Avrupa’ üzerine gelişen liberal öfkeye dönüştü ve emperyalistlerin ırkçı olmayı bırakıp göçmenleri savunması gerektiğini imledik. Avrupa Birleşik Sosyalist Devletleri talebini, sanki AB’nin bir uzantısıymış gibi talep eder olduk. Ve ekonomik kriz 2010’da Avrupa’yı vurduğunda, Avrupa Merkez Bankası ve IMF’nin bağımlı ülkelere borçlarıyla ‘yardım ettiğini’ yazıyorduk.”
Geride bıraktığımız son birkaç yıl, AB’ye yönelik muhalefetimizi güçlü bir şekilde ortaya koyma mücadeleleri serisine sahne oldu. Genel kurul bildirisinin aşağıdaki yayınlanmak için düzenlenmiş bölümü, bu konuda yürüttüğümüz tartışmaların ve mücadelenin kodlanmış sonuçlarını içeren bölümdür.
Enternasyonal Konferans’dan bu yana temel görevlerimizden biri, EKL’nin sosyal mücadelenin yoksunluğu ve proleter bilincin gerilemesiyle tanımlanmış bu dönemde karşılaştığı büyük zorluklarla başa çıkabilecek yeni bir enternasyonal liderlik kolektifinin sağlamlaştırılmasıdır. Genel kurul bildirisinin belirttiği gibi, “Yoldaş Robertson yokken, devrimci devamlılığımızı koruma kapasitemiz büyük ölçüde EYK’nin yürütme kolu olan E.S.’nin mümkün olan en keskin programatik rehberliği sunma kapasitesine dayanmaktadır. Görevimiz Lenin’in yaptığını yaparak katman katman, düşünen Bolşeviklerden oluşan bir parti kurmaktır.”
E.S. 2017’den beri, bazı üyelerinin uluslararası merkezde ikamet etmediği alışılmadık bir kompozisyondaydı. Coğrafi yayılım zorluklar getirir. Aynı zamanda, bu kompozisyon hayati bir önem taşıyor çünkü her yoldaş daha mesafeli bir görüşe sahip ve hem Enternasyonal’de hem de diğer yoldaşların ulusal bölümlerinde programatik düzeltici bir rol oynamakta. Bu aynı zamanda, merkezimizin dünyadaki en güçlü emperyalist ülke olan ABD’de yer almasından kaynaklanan baskıya karşı-denge işlevi görmekte. (devamı için)
21 février – Le chômage de masse, les hôpitaux bondés et les traitements annulés, la détérioration générale des conditions de travail, l’inflation galopante, les droits démocratiques piétinés, les commerçants ruinés, les écoles fermées, les familles entassées ensemble jour et nuit, une détresse et des souffrances intolérables, la mort : Depuis maintenant deux ans, les travailleurs et les opprimés subissent les conséquences dévastatrices de la réponse de la bourgeoisie à la pandémie et de ses confinements. C’est dans ce contexte que le convoi des camionneurs à Ottawa est venu canaliser le mécontentement largement répandu dans la société.
La bourgeoisie et tous ceux qui lui font écho dans les médias, le Nouveau Parti démocratique et la gauche réformiste ont été pris immédiatement d’une fureur hystérique devant cette première brèche significative dans la campagne d’« unité nationale » de la classe dirigeante dans la pandémie. Leur déferlement de propagande présentant tous ceux qui participent à des manifestations antigouvernementales comme des « extrémistes de droite » n’est qu’un mensonge pour justifier leur répression. Ce n’est pas « le racisme », « un programme d’extrême droite » ou (aux dires de libéraux tordus) un « coup d’État financé par les États-Unis » qui pousse des milliers de personnes à sortir protester dans les grandes villes, mais la colère totalement légitime contre le désastre social provoqué par les mesures sanitaires de la bourgeoisie.
Le premier ministre Justin Trudeau a décrété la Loi sur les mesures d’urgence, la Loi sur les mesures de guerre revampée, avec laquelle le gouvernement se donne des pouvoirs arbitraires pour accroître la répression, suspendre les droits démocratiques, geler les comptes de banque et étendre les pouvoirs de police utilisés pour réprimer les camionneurs et les manifestants. Près de 200 personnes ont déjà été arrêtées en vertu de cette loi. Nous disons : Défense des camionneurs ! Levée de toutes les accusations ! À bas la Loi sur les mesures d’urgence ! (lire la suite)
De tous les groupes qui pataugent dans le marais pseudo-trotskyste au Québec et au Canada, les membres de La Riposte se sont distingués comme les plus ardents partisans des confinements de Trudeau et les opposants les plus acharnés des camionneurs et des manifestants. Il n’y a tout simplement aucune différence entre la ligne avancée par La Riposte et la campagne hystérique de la bourgeoisie et de ses médias dociles. Un dirigeant de La Riposte a calomnié de façon répugnante l’intervention de notre organisation dans un rassemblement à Toronto en soutien aux camionneurs, nous accusant sur les médias sociaux de « soutenir l’extrême droite » ; il ajoutait : « Il est impossible qu’ils se soient mépris sur la nature d’extrême droite nationaliste et trumpiste de ce rassemblement où figuraient des drapeaux de Trump et des pancartes “Make Canada Great Again” ». En pointant du doigt quelques individus de droite pour dépeindre ces manifestations tout entières comme étant d’une « nature d’extrême droite », La Riposte dégurgite ainsi le même mensonge que la bourgeoisie utilise pour justifier la répression. (lire la suite)
21 FEBRUARY—Massive unemployment, overloaded hospitals and cancelled treatments, widespread deterioration of working conditions, crippling inflation, gutting of democratic rights, ruined shopkeepers, closing of schools, families stuck together day and night, unspeakable pain and distress, death: For two years now, the workers and the oppressed have suffered the devastating consequences of the bourgeoisie’s response to the pandemic and its lockdowns. This is the backdrop to the truckers’ convoy on Ottawa, which has become a lightning rod for widespread discontent in society.
Faced with this first significant blowback to the ruling class’s “national unity” campaign in the pandemic, the bourgeoisie, its media mouthpieces, the New Democratic Party and the reformist left immediately went into hysterical overdrive. Their propaganda barrage which portrays anybody participating in anti-government demonstrations as “far-right extremists” is but a lie to justify cracking down on them. What has pushed thousands of people in major cities to come out in protests is not “racism,” a “far-right agenda” or (as tinfoiled-hatted liberals would have it) a “U.S.-funded coup,” but the totally legitimate anger against the social disaster created by the bourgeoisie’s health measures.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has decreed the Emergencies Act—a “rebranding” of the War Measures Act—with which the government gives itself arbitrary powers to increase repression, suspend civil liberties, freeze bank accounts and extend the policing powers which they’ve used to crack down on truckers and protesters. Nearly 200 have already been arrested under this law. We say: Defend the truckers! Drop all the charges! Down with the Emergencies Act! (read on)
Among the pseudo-Trotskyist swamp in Quebec and Canada, members of the Fightback group have distinguished themselves as the most ardent supporters of Trudeau’s lockdowns and vociferous opponents of the truckers and protesters. There’s simply no difference between the line Fightback has been pushing and the hysterical campaign of the bourgeoisie and its subservient media. In a disgusting slander on social media against our organization intervening at a Toronto rally in support of the truckers, a Fightback leader accused us of “supporting the far right,” adding “There is no way that they could have mistaken the far right nationalist and Trumpite nature of this rally which included Trump flags and ‘Make Canada Great Again’ placards.” Painting these entire demonstrations as being of a “far right nature” by pointing to a few right-wing individuals, Fightback parrots the very lie that the government uses to justify its crackdown. (read on)
아래는 스파르타시스트동맹/영국 25차 전국대회의 문서로부터의 발췌이다.
코비드-19 팬데믹이 전 세계적으로 보건, 경제, 그리고 사회적 위기를 촉발해왔다. 다른 곳들과 마찬가지로 영국에서는, 지난 1년 반이 노동계급과 피억압 인민들에게는 재앙이었다: 15만 명이 넘는 코비드 사망들, 잔혹한 봉쇄들, 탄압, 대량의 정리해고들, 조업단축으로 인한 일시해고, 작업속도 상승, 학교폐쇄들. 노동자운동의 지도부는 프롤레타리아트를 자본가들에게 속박시키고 그들의 잔혹한 공세에 협조하면서 이 위기에서 프롤레타리아트를 배신했다. 코빈 세력으로부터 스타머 지도부에 이르기까지의 노동당, 노동조합 최고위층들, 그리고 개량주의 좌익 모두가 민족적 단결과 계급협조를 설교하면서 봉쇄들을 지지했고 존슨의 보수정부 뒤로 합류했다. 노동당은 영국 전역의 도시들에서 봉쇄들을 관리했고 노동인민들에게 참상과 비참함을 가져온 것에 대하여 직접적으로 책임이 있다.
영국 사이비 맑스주의 좌익 - 사회주의 노동자당, 사회당, 영국 공산당, 사회주의 호소, 혁명적 공산주의그룹, 등 - 의 입장은 봉쇄들을 지지해왔을 뿐만 아니라 심지어 호주의 제로-코비드 모델이라는 더 강력하고 더 장기간의 봉쇄들을 찬성하는 운동을 조직해왔다. 팬데믹에서 노동계급의 이해관계에 부합하는 것을 위하여 투쟁한다는 이들 개량주의자들의 어떠한 시늉도 그들의 봉쇄들에 대한 지지라는 조건에서는 완전한 속임수이다.
이번 대회는 봉쇄들을 지지함으로써 정부의 민족단결에 굴복했던 SL/B 중앙위원회의 2020년 6월 발의를 거부한다. 그 입장은 “보다 의미있는 공중보건 방책들이 부재한 가운데, 그것 [봉쇄]는 코비드-19의 확산을 늦춘다는 지극히 최소한의 목적에 일정정도 효력을 가진다”는 주장에 기초했다. 이것은 공중보건을 방어하기 위한 유일한 길은 정부의 반(反)노동계급 방책들을 지지하는 것임을 명령하는 부르주아지 계급의 윤리상 공갈을 수용한다는 것을 의미한다. 그것은 또한 부르주아지 국가가 프롤레타리아트를 굴복시키기 위한 폭력기구이기보다는 인민들을 보호하기 위한 기구라는 환상들을 부추겼다. (계속 읽기)
Statement of the International Executive Committee of the International Communist League
(Fourth Internationalist)
We reprint below a translation of the emergency statement issued by the Trotskyist Group of Greece and distributed at protests in defense of Dimitris Koufontinas, a leader of the Revolutionary Organisation 17 November (17N). Koufontinas, having been on a hunger strike, is close to death.
17N group, named after the date in 1973 when the military junta massacred students and workers at Athens Polytechnic, engaged in assassinations of representatives of Greek capitalism and US and British imperialism. For that, the vindictive ruling classes are determined to see him dead.
23 February—Dimitris Koufontinas has been on hunger strike since 8 January, demanding, as he writes in his letter, “to be returned to the basement of Korydallos [Prison], to the special wing built by the minister of repression himself, M. Chrysochoidis, to bury 17N, and where I spent 16 of the 18 years I have been in prison”. The Greek capitalist state, and behind it the US imperialists, are determined to murder him. Free Dimitris Koufontinas and all the 17N prisoners now! Free all those arrested on demonstrations defending Koufontinas now! (read on)
23 Φεβρουαρίου – Ο Δημήτρης Κουφοντίνας βρίσκεται σε απεργία πείνας από τις 8 Ιανουαρίου ζητώντας όπως γράφει ο ίδιος στην επιστολή του «να με ξαναφέρουν στο υπόγειο του Κορυδαλλού, στην ειδική πτέρυγα που έκτισε ο ίδιος ο υπουργός της καταστολής, ο Μ. Χρυσοχοΐδης, για να θάψει την 17Ν, και όπου πέρασα τα 16 από τα 18 χρόνια που είμαι στη φυλακή». Το ελληνικό καπιταλιστικό κράτος και πίσω από αυτό οι Αμερικανοί ιμπεριαλιστές είναι αποφασισμένοι να τον δολοφονήσουν. Ελευθερία στον Δημήτρη Κουφοντίνα και σε όλους τους καταδικασμένους της «17Ν» τώρα! Άμεση απελευθέρωση των συλληφθέντων από τις πορείες υπεράσπισης του Κουφοντίνα! (περισσότερα)
Το κείμενο που ακολουθεί είναι μετάφραση από το Spartacist (αγγλική έκδοση) Νο 66, Άνοιξη 2020.
Το περασμένο καλοκαίρι πραγματοποιήθηκε στη Γερμανία η Ολομέλεια της Διεθνούς Εκτελεστικής Επιτροπής (ΔΕΕ) της Διεθνούς Κομμουνιστικής Ένωσης (Τεταρτοδιεθνιστικής/ΔΚΕ). Αυτή η συνάντηση της ΔΕΕ, του ανώτατου οργάνου λήψης αποφάσεων της ΔΚΕ ανάμεσα στα συνέδρια, ήρθε σε μία πολύ σημαντική στιγμή για την οργάνωσή μας. O θάνατος του βασικού ιδρυτή και για μεγάλο διάστημα ηγέτη του κόμματος Jim Robertson τον Απρίλιο του 2019, του οποίου οι παρεμβάσεις ήταν καίριες για τη διατήρηση του επαναστατικού μας προσανατολισμού, έθεσε ξεκάθαρα το ζήτημα της πολιτικής μας συνέχειας. Επίσης, αυτή ήταν η πρώτη συγκέντρωση της ηγεσίας που εκλέχθηκε στο Έβδομο Διεθνές Συνέδριο της ΔΚΕ το 2017, το οποίο αποτέλεσε την κορύφωση μιας σκληρής πάλης για την επανεγκαθίδρυση του Λενινιστικού πλαισίου στο εθνικό ζήτημα και τη διόρθωση των συμβιβασμών με το σοβινισμό των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων (βλ. «Η Πάλη για τον Λενινισμό στο Εθνικό Ζήτημα», Ο Μπολσεβίκος τεύχος 3, Οκτώβριος 2017). Η ολομέλεια και το υπόμνημα που υιοθετήθηκε ομόφωνα από τη ΔΕΕ με τίτλο «Εμπρός με το Λάβαρο του Λενινισμού!», αποτελούσαν τη συνέχεια αυτής της πάλης. (περισσότερα)